The Education of Buddhist Monks in Sri Lanka: A Historical Review and Some Suggestions for Reform

The education of Buddhist monks had traditionally been a matter of studying under renowned scholar-monks. However, during colonial times there was a gradual replacement of monasteries as centers of training of monks by new piriven educational institutions. These institutions gradually became widespread in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as the colonial state worked with Buddhist 1 Some ideas contained in this chapter were presented at the Annual Meeting of the South-Eastern Conference of the Association for Asian Studies, Tallahassee, FL January 12-13, 2001. Others were expressed in the blog SouthAsia @LSE, see http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2018/03/26/why-we-need-to-reform-the-education-ofbuddhist-monks-in-sri-lanka/. Tilak Jayatillke, Ananda E. de Silva and Vishwamiththra Senadeera were of assistance in the procurement of history texts used in piriven.  University of Peradeniya The Education of Buddhist Monks in Sri Lanka | Chandra R. De Silva 2 SLJH 42 (1&2) leaders to establish a centrally designed curriculum and formal examinations. At the same time, the growth of the nationalist movement among Sinhalese Buddhists gave new legitimacy to the understanding of Lanka’s history as a journey from SinhalaBuddhist origins. This article traces the many efforts to reform the piriven and their curricula. Through an analysis of the history textbooks used at the first level of piriven education in the late 20 and early 21 centuries, this article concludes that the education given to novice Buddhist monks downplays the contribution of ethnic and religious minorities to Sri Lanka's history. It is argued that the development of a more inclusive history curriculum for the education of monks, together with other factors such as better teacher training, would enable Buddhist monks to play a more effective role in the diverse country that Sri Lanka has come to be today.

conceptual frameworks which are developed early in life. Therefore, education systems and curricular content and designs in the early stages of education are crucial in fashioning attitudes which often have a lifelong impact. 6 In what ways did the education system for Buddhist monks change in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries? My contention is that there were two crucial modifications. The first of these involved changes in the curriculum accompanied by a new uniformity in the structure of education, influenced, if not imposed by, state mandates and regulations. These changes were introduced in the early twentieth century by a centralizing colonial state influenced by Orientalist perceptions, and as mentioned before, they were continued by the newly independent state in Sri Lanka in the second half of that century. Educational levels began to be measured through success at standardized examinations. Further changes in the late twentieth century made the validation of the monastic education system become increasingly dependent on attaining equivalence with the new secular examinations. These curricular and organizational changes became even more significant because of reevaluations of their own role by monks, re-evaluations that began from at least the seventeenth century, but became crucial in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 7 The second change relates to an alteration in the criteria for the validation of education of monks. We see that the earlier justification for monks' education, which was the furtherance of their religious mission, became gradually overshadowed by their role in preserving the national heritage (which, to colonial elites, was the fostering of 'Oriental' learning).
Let us first reflect briefly on the old Buddhist institutions of learning that developed in Sri Lanka. Institutions for the education of 6 For a broader survey on the relationship between education and violence in Sri Lanka see, de Silva, Chandra R. "The Role of Education in Ameliorating Political Violence in Sri Lanka." Creating Peace in Sri Lanka: Civil War and Reconciliation. edited by Robert I. Rothberg, World Peace Foundation, 1999, pp. 109-129. 7 For a discussion of some of these re-evaluations see Seneviratne, H. L. The Work of Kings: The New Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999 and de Silva and Bartholameusz. The Sangha and the Reconciliation Process. pp. 4-12. Buddhist monks had existed from very early times. We find references to Buddhist educational institutions in Nalanda, Taxila and other centers in India in pre-Christian times. In Sri Lanka, centers of learning grew up in the major monastic centers such as the Mahavihara, Thuparamaya and Chetiya vihara. In time, there grew to be many centers of learning. All of them were autonomous educational institutions, but, from at least the seventh century of the Christian era to about the 15 th century, each center belonged to one or the other of a number of scholarly traditions that were established through key institutions (mulāyatana). 8 Evidence gleaned indirectly from chronicles and other sources indicate that, during this period, the curricular content of monastic education underwent changes. Thus, for example, by the fourteenth century, Tamil language was added to Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit as a subject studied in several educational institutions for monks. 9 However, the primary purpose of monastic education remained the training of monks both for their own spiritual development and to enable them to provide a better service to lay persons. The organization of learning changed too. By the fifteenth century, the term piriveṇa (pl. piriven), originally used to denote a cell or residence for a monk, 10 had begun to refer to a specialized institution of learning. Piriven had lands donated to them so that they became autonomous institutions in terms of their maintenance. However, the education of monks was still a matter of studying under renowned scholar-monks. Furthermore, apart from occasionally honoring learned monks and providing the piriven with grants of land, the state and other secular organizations had little to do with the education of monks.
Indications from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries suggest that piriven had some commonalities. Ilangasinha, who has made a comprehensive study of the sources for this period argues that piriven probably had lay students as well as monks. 11 All novice monks clearly studied the texts on discipline (vinaya) and elements of grammar. 12 After ordination, monks proceeded to study the abhidhamma and finally, each monk specialized in one area of Buddhist doctrine. However, much of the emphasis in the training of monks seems to have been on disciplinary rules and preaching. 13 On the other hand, a comparison of two of the major piriven show significant differences in the subjects taught. Ilangasinha points out "while the Padmavati Pirivena forbade its students to study politics (arthasastra), students of the Vijayabāhu Pirivena were taught that subject." 14 The study of other religions seems to have been valued more in the Vijayabāhu Piriveṇa than in the Padmāvatī and this might have led to the development of some elements of religious syncretism in the former. 15 Thus, piriven were autonomous institutions with some diversity in respect of the curriculum.
The piriven that reemerged after a period of disruption due to the impact of the Portuguese colonial incursion were reborn in a different context. 16 18 Indeed, although the revival of Buddhist learning in the Kandyan kingdom in the late eighteenth century had some impact on the lowlands under colonial rule, Buddhist monks saw both their religion and Sinhala culture pushed into the periphery by the triumph of colonialism. 19 Christian missionaries, backed by Western powers ruling in the coastal areas constantly derided Buddhism as 'superstition." 20 This changed context is why the Niyamakanda Sāmaṇēra Piriveṇa, which emerged in the 1730s, was seen as an agency for scholarly production rather than as an institution that promoted discipline and training of monks. 21 Nevertheless, for much of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, there was a great deal of continuity in terms of the education and training of monks because most instruction continued to be within individual monasteries (not in specialized piriven), and disciplinary texts and training in preaching and the chanting of pirit took up much of the time in the early stages of education. 22 Learning. pp. 49-50,116-125. 22 Saṅgharāja Sādhucariyāva, edited by N. Pannasena and P. B. Sannasgala, Colombo: 1947, pp. 5, 9;Adhikari, Abhayaratna. Śrī Laṃkave Sambhāvya Adhyāpanaya. pp. 241-247;Ruberu, Ranjith. Education in Colonial Ceylon. Kandy, 1962, p. 241 states that 94 Buddhist schools were reported to the Colebrooke Commission but also states 'Probably the Buddhist schools were really classes 8 SLJH 42 (1&2) successors to Niyamakanda, called madyasthāna and vidyāsthāna, spread in Kandyan areas and in the southwest under Dutch rule. However, despite Hewawasam's contention that these institutions in the southwest provided higher education, it is likely that only a minority of monks were educated beyond the instruction they received in their own temples. 23 There were no formal examinations. 24 Nevertheless, there had now developed "for the first time since the early sixteenth century-a centralized education system that trained monks within a common curriculum." 25 A change that I wish to concentrate on began in the late 19 th century, and continued through the 20 th . Emblematic of this change is the gradual replacement of monasteries as centers of bhikkhu training by new piriven educational institutions. These piriven, though often located within monastic premises, became gradually recognized as distinct from them. The beginnings of this process can be traced to the emergence of a piriveṇa in Pelmadulla under Ven. Galle Medhankara in the early part of the nineteenth century. 3,768 students and 372 instructors. 26 This growth of piriven from the late 19 th century onwards occurred in an era during which four currents became intertwined with fateful results.
The first of these currents was what K. N. O. Dharmadasa calls a rise of Sinhala 'language loyalty.' Influenced by the exclusion of locals from political power as well as the denigration of Sinhala by some British officials and influenced by the writings of European philologists, Sinhala scholars like James d'Alwis began a vigorous defense of the Sinhala language and culture. 27 The second includes the 'revival' of Buddhism fueled by controversies and debates (especially debates with Christian missionaries 1864-1873 28 ), the growth of Sinhala language journals, 29 and eventually, in the early years of the new century, by the use of Sinhala novels and the theater to promote a Sinhala Buddhist identity. 30 The third current was the privileging of a certain vision of Lanka's past, fostered by a growing interest in historical sources by Western Orientalist scholars and the educated elite in Sri Lanka. The major Sinhala Buddhist chronicle, the Mahāvaṃsa was published in English translation as early as the 1830s. 31  study ancient cities. The understanding of Lanka's history as a journey from Sinhala origins began to receive a new legitimacy. Finally, changes in education policy in England gave birth to the idea that the colonial state was responsible for the spread of education. The British colonial government had, almost from the outset, supported Christian missionary organizations that used primary education as a means of conversion. 32 In 1869, as a result of recommendation of a special committee of the Legislative Council, the government set up a Department of Public Instruction under a Director and accepted the idea that the state would work with religious organizations to further public education. 33 From 1870, the colonial state began to aid (Christian) religious organizations with state funds. This marked a new stage of a process whereby schools gradually came under state control and supervision. 34 The intertwining of these four currents contributed to the further identification of Buddhism with Sinhala culture and a confluence of interest in Sinhala Buddhist culture and heritage among the Western (and Westernized) Orientalists, the colonial state and leaders of monks. A good example of this coming together can be seen in the publication of a Sinhala translation of the Mahāvaṃsa in 1877. 35 Here was a Buddhist monk who headed a piriveṇa, working with a Sinhala scholar to translate the chronicle and the publication of the translation was encouraged by Sir William Gregory, the British Governor of the colony (1872-1877) and was financed with state funds. 36 32 Jayasekera, P. V. J. Confrontations with Colonialism: Resistance, Revivalism andReform under British Rule in Colonial Sri Lanka, 1796-1920, Vol Of course, the groups that thus came together for this project had different motives. From the point of view of the Orientalists, the task of fostering and preserving knowledge of traditional Pali, Sanskrit and Sinhala literature, was perhaps more important than the education of Buddhist monks, although obviously, the two were linked. British Government, sponsorship of the project was partly based on hopes for the enhancement of popular support for their rule but the British also had other motives. While the piriven were as yet few in number, in 1888 the government recorded the existence of 1769 temple schools for lay children. British officials were not impressed with these temple schools. On the contrary, they saw them as places where students received an unproductive education, memorizing works in Pali, a language that they did not understand. They were concerned about how to broaden the education given in such schools and, clearly, one way to do this was to stimulate changes in the education given in the piriven. From the point of view of many monks and educated lay Buddhists, state patronage was welcome as a symbol of the resumption of state interest in the welfare of the religion of the majority of the people. 37 However, their interest was in developing educational institutions that not only trained monks but also fostered learning in areas such as astrology, traditional medicine, and history. 38 All these perceptions contributed to support for a change in piriven education.
It is the concrete results of the change that should interest us. The first of these relates to changes in the curriculum. In 1878, within a few years of the establishment of the Vidyōdaya Piriveṇa, the British colonial government inaugurated an annual grant of Rs. 600 in support of the institution. However, British education officials expressed disappointment that geography and arithmetic were not in the curriculum. The very next year, arithmetic was included and a few years later the annual grant was increased to Rs. 1,000 a year. 39 This, in itself, was fairly innocuous, but with state grants there came state monitoring and the establishment of a regular system of examinations. Examinations were present in the Vidyōdaya Piriveṇa before the advent of state aid but such examinations appear to have been mostly oral although there is reference to 'examination papers' in an 1875 account. 40 Substantial change came later. In 1902 Education Director S. M. Burrows summoned a meeting to discuss ways to assist and foster oriental learning. Ann Blackburn argues strongly that the Vidyōdaya Piriveṇa under Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala resisted pressure from the colonial state to train teachers and to teach mathematics instead of arithmetic. 43 However, change did seep in. It is true that historical writing had long been conducted in Buddhist monasteries. Now, for the first time, learning about Sri Lankan history and archeology had become an integral part of the higher training of all monks, and this came at a time when the history of Sri Lanka was being reinterpreted in nationalist terms. Thus, Anagarika Dharmapala could assert in 1903 "The island of Lanka belongs to the Buddhist Sinhalese. For 2455 years this was the land of birth for the Sinhalese. Other races have come here to pursue their commercial activities. For the Europeans, apart from this land, there is Canada, Australia, South Africa, England and America to go; for the Tamils there is South India, for the Moors. . . Egypt; the Dutch can go to Holland. But for the Sinhalese there is only this island." 44 Piriven began to be the centers through which Buddhist monks received a view of their past, which validated the idea that Sri Lanka was a Sinhala Buddhist country. This idea was reinforced by theories that emerged around this time, theories of the Aryan descent of the Sinhala as compared with the Dravidian origin of the Tamils. 45 The history syllabus used in the piriven seems to have reflected the view that the Sinhala Buddhist civilization was destroyed by South Indian (Tamil)  Hygiene were introduced into the curriculum. Tamil was made an optional subject in 1946, Hindi in 1949 and English and Arithmetic in 1954. Further changes in the curriculum were about to take place and to understand what they were, we need to investigate the second main consequence of the changes that arose with the activities of the PBS.
In brief, this change was that the basis of legitimacy for recognition of scholarly learning among monks began to move from the hands of individual scholar-monks into secular bodies like the PBS, and finally, into state hands. In fact, in 1945, the state Education Department took over the conduct of prācīna examinations. Detailed regulations were enacted about library and other facilities that were required and the records that had to be maintained. By 1947 it was decreed that piriven that received state aid had to obtain the permission of the Director of Education if they wished to appoint as instructors anyone who had not completed prācīna qualifications. As an indirect consequence of increased state power, qualifications obtained by monks began to be valued as much for their equivalence to secular examinations as for their own value. This process began as early as 1906 when it was decided that those who had completed the Prācīna Madhyama Examination were exempt from the Sinhala Examination for notaries. 47 By the middle of the century, some piriven were preparing students for the Senior School Certificate Examination, which was the public examination that was held at the end of Junior Secondary schooling. Somewhat later, in 1959, W. Dahanayaka, Education Minister of independent Sri Lanka appointed 135 persons with who had successfully completed the Prācīna Paṇḍita Examinations as instructors to piriven institutions with salaries equal to those of university graduates. Indeed, a series of other changes made by Minister Dahanayaka in 1958-59 had a great impact on piriveṇa education.
The piriven were reclassified from a two-layered Mūlika (Basic) and Uparima (Advanced) into a three-layered Kaniṣṭha (Junior), Jyēṣṭha (Senior) and Viśvavidyālayīya (University). These piriven were allowed to present their students for secular national examinations conducted by the state Department of Examinations, viz. General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) and General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). They were also allowed to teach students for university examinations if accredited to do so by any university. 48 This was at the very time when the medium of education at the university level was being changed from English into Sinhala and Tamil and thus, thousands of lay students flocked into piriven to obtain a chance to gain admission to universities by performing well in these examinations. This is why enrollment in piriven tripled within a decade of 1958. By 1968 there were over 24,000 students enrolled in piriven. 49 Lay students had been part of piriven education from the time we have data for such institutions, but in the 1960s, piriven became institutions in which close to (and, in some instances, more than) a majority of students were laymen. A few of the piriven became affiliated institutions of the new Vidyōdaya and Vidyālaṅkāra Universities (established in 1958) and prepared students for university examinations. The impact of these developments on traditional areas of study in piriven such as Pali and Sanskrit was disastrous. The number of students appearing for Prācīna Examinations through piriven declined. 50 Piriven schools became simply poorer and less well-equipped versions of state schools, and their main task became preparing students for state run secular examinations. The only institutions that had traditionally provided an education for Buddhist monks had developed new priorities.
There was much concern in the 1970s about piriven education. Many claimed that the changes of the 50s and 60s which allowed piriven to present students for secular national examinations had harmed the training of Buddhist monks by diluting it through the introduction of subjects such as commerce into the curricula of piriven institutions. They argued that piriven education should be confined to the traditional languages, grammar, religious texts, preaching, with the possible addition of English. Others contended that the scope of piriven education should be expanded to include the sciences so that Buddhist monks would be able to respond knowledgeably to educated Buddhists. The government eventually appointed a special committee on piriven education whose report was published in 1971. The Piriveṇa Education Act of 1979 and the regulations promulgated under this act in 1980 included many of the recommendations of this Committee. 51 The structure of piriven education thus established is that which still prevails in Sri Lanka. All piriven are classified into mūlika, maha, and vidyāyatana piriven. 52 However, all three levels of piriven organized under a single management, might be present in one location. Jeffrey Samuels has correctly pointed out that the education of a monk depends not only on classes in the piriveṇa and the nightly advisory meetings with the preceptor but also the bonds each monk makes with other monks and the laity. 53 Nevertheless, I contend that what monks imbibe in the formal classroom, especially in the early years, is likely to have a formative impact.
At the lowest level are the 467 mūlika (primary) piriven 54 that educate students through grade five. The mūlika piriven are five-year residential institutions aimed at training monks with an emphasis on discipline. Each male who enters a mūlika piriveṇa is admitted to grade one, irrespective of age, to enable him to start learning Sanskrit and Pali from the beginning. Other required courses include Buddhist Scripture (Tripitaka), Sinhala, English and Mathematics. From the second year, students follow at least two optional subjects. The choice in many institutions includes Social Studies, General Science, Health, History, and more rarely, Hindi and Tamil. Students are expected to appear for a special state-run examination at the end of the five years. Upon successful completion of this examination, students can opt to enter a maha piriveṇa or a vidyāyatana piriveṇa. The design of the mūlika piriveṇa was thus meant to ensure that its graduates would be proficient in Buddhist scriptures and would have a basic knowledge of Buddhist texts as well as an understanding of the classical languages of the Indic World. The texts used for the teaching of required subjects include wellknown texts that have been traditionally used for the education of monks 55 with the addition of more recently produced grammar texts and some selected novels. The provision of courses in English and Mathematics as well as some optional courses was meant to satisfy those who argued that in the context of the modern world, a basic training for monks should include secular knowledge.
In terms of knowledge of Buddhism, the mūlika piriven provide detailed information on the life story of the Buddha and about his main disciples. Information is also provided on the four Buddhist Councils, which 'purified' Buddhist traditions, and the circumstances in which Buddhism emerged and grew in India. Monks learn about the proponents of Buddhism, including King Asoka (who supported the spread of Buddhism) and King Duṭugaemuṇu (who is acclaimed for fighting the Tamil King Eḷāra) 56 as well as the monk and nun (Mahinda and Sangamitta) who brought Buddhism to Sri Lanka. Other persons about whom the monks learn include Valivita Saranankara who reintroduced Buddhist ordination to Sri Lanka in the mid-eighteenth century and Anagarika Dharmapala, who was a leader of the Buddhist revival in British colonial times. Monks also read jataka stories (accounts of previous lives of the Buddha and a selection of discourses about Buddhist doctrine. Monks at the mūlika piriven are also introduced to increasingly complex texts on Buddhist doctrines as well as training in deportment. 57 A maha piriveṇa has a wider curriculum including subjects such as Astrology, Ayurveda medicine, Philosophy, Sculpture, Economics, English, Civics and Handicraft. 58 It was thus designed as a half-way house for those who wished to seek admission to a university. Indeed, an institution is classified as a maha piriveṇa only if it has at least 25 monks studying for prācina examinations or General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). Since government grants to such schools depend on student enrollments, maha piriven have been happy to recruit lay students. 59 Those who wish to attain proficiency in Sanskrit and receive the title of Rājakīya Paṇḍita need to attend one of the 65 vidyāyatana piriven in the country. Some of these vidyāyatana piriven have grown to be large and successful institutions providing educational opportunities to both monks and laymen. 60 In all, by 2017, there were 753 piriven. The 62,872 students studying in piriven in 2017 included 29,431 lay students. 61 These figures do not include some vanavasi 57 Samuels, Jeffrey. Attracting the  In 2017 there were 221 maha piriven. See Table I. 59 The proportion of lay students in piriven (46 to 47% of the total student body) has not changed substantially in the last 20 years. This percentage was 46.4 in 2015, 46.9 in 2016 and 46.8 in 2017. See Table I. 60 State grants to these institutions include the salary of the teachers and an annual subsidy. Piriven are also eligible to apply for small library grants. 61 See Table I. It is worth noting that the number of students in piriven is a small fraction of the 4.17 million students in secular schools. Piriven have grown considerably from the 1996 level of 552 piriven with 43,228 students. By 2007 piriven enrolled 54,953 students as against 3.94 million in secular schools. They continued to grow swifter than total national student numbers in the next decade but piriven enrollments have remained fairly stable in recent years -64,606 in 2015, 66,003 in 2016 and 62,872 in 2017. Piriven are also somewhat unevenly spread. See Table I. However, an analysis made two decades ago on the history (forest) institutes and independent piriven that do not seek state recognition.
The largely residential mūlika piriven are the institutions designed to give monks a basic grounding in vinaya (discipline) and classical languages such as Pali and Sanskrit. They do provide a state supported system of schools that provide basic education (which encompasses Buddhist learning) for monks. There is some evidence that informal contact with the laity and senior monks does transmit some knowledge to them about the secular world. However, there are some deficiencies in the system. The questioning of the traditional Sinhala Buddhist version of Sri Lanka's past that has emerged from Sri Lankan universities has had limited percolation into the world of the piriven. Let us further interrogate the texts used in the teaching of history in mūlika piriven.
The history texts used up to 2018 did have some strengths. The text used in the third year had provided a good concise survey of ancient civilizations in the Old World (Mesopotamia, Egypt, Mohendojaro, China) as well as a basic survey of Sri Lankan history. The text also specifically mentioned that King Vijayabāhu (1070-1110 AC) protected Hindu shrines and was popular among Hindus. 62 Almost 25% of the text for the fourth year covered European history, thus providing monks with a view of the West. 63 Nevertheless, there was little recognition of the contribution of minorities to the history of the country. In the 193-page history text for the 5 th year which recounted the History of Sri Lanka, only six pages taught at the Sunday schools (daham pāsal) which provide religious instruction for over half a million Buddhist children revealed a version of history that painted the Tamils in an unfavorable light. dealt with the kingdom of Jaffna. Of these six pages, two pages related its conquest by the ruler of Kotte, two more pages described its conquest by the Portuguese and a great deal of space in the other two pages was devoted to a discussion on the lack of evidence of a Kingdom of Jaffna before the 14 th century. There was no mention of the contribution of the Muslim community to Sri Lanka. Therefore, for more than two decades these textbooks strengthened the view of Sri Lankan history as essentially that of the Sinhala Buddhists. Such a worldview had become accepted in the late 19 th and early 20 th centuries because it resonated with existing beliefs and gave a basis for anti-colonial and anti-Christian sentiments. It has persisted among Buddhist monks with minimal change after independence. This is unfortunate because one of the goals of education for all groups at all levels should be to address stereotypes, socio-cultural biases and beliefs as well as historical prejudices in ways that would increase tolerance.
In recent times, there has been an effort to update all textbooks (including history texts) used in mūlika piriven. 64 By 2019 revised history textbooks were introduced for Grades 3, 4 and 5 in virtually all mūlika piriven. These texts are a major improvement on their predecessors, 65 well-illustrated and with much better coverage of social economic and cultural history. In terms of attention to the historical contributions of ethnic and religious minorities too, the new texts have some positive features. 66 Early in the texts for Grades 3 and 4, the 'development of respect for other cultures' is listed as one of the purposes of history. 67 There is specific mention of megalithic cultures existing before the arrival of migrants from North India. 68 Pre-Buddhist belief 64 This was under the direction of Professor Nabiriththankadawala Gnanarathana Thera, Director of Piriveṇa Education. 65 The new textbooks often incorporate recent historical research and are generally free of factual errors. However, the textbook for Grade 4 states that the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks was a result of the Crusades (see, p.36) which is to take a very loose definition of 'Crusades.' 66 See, http://www.edupub.gov.lk/Piriven_BooksDownload.php Accessed on July 19, 2019. The new textbooks also cover art and architecture and economic history better than their predecessors. 67 See, p. 4 of the Grade 3 textbook and p. 2 of the Grade 4 textbook. 68 See, Grade 3 text pp. 6-11 and Grade 4 text p. 31. systems including Jainism and Brahmanism are mentioned. 69 The authors specifically mention that Elara, the 2 nd century Tamil king was just and was respected by his Sinhala successor, Duṭugaemuṇu. 70 While South Indian invasions are reported, the textbooks make it clear that Sri Lankan rulers also invaded South India, sought assistance from South Indian allies and made marriage alliances with royal families from South India. 71 The textbook for Grade 5 has some brief references to the introduction of Catholic and Protestant faiths to the country as well as on the emergence of the community of Dutch Burghers. 72 On the other hand, the attention to ethnic and religious minorities in these new history texts and thus, the background knowledge they provide for students in piriven (though an improvement on earlier textbooks), is still inadequate. The only mention of Muslims apart from a brief mention in page 17 of the Grade 3 textbook is on a half-page in the Grade 5 text describing the 19 th century Muslim Revival. 73 Up Country Tamil Plantation workers are referenced only in a single sentence that states that they were incorporated into Sri Lankan society under British rule. 74  conquest by Parakramabahu VI of Kotte. 75 The vision of history taught today in piriven needs to become more inclusive. 76 Also, the mūlika piriven (and even the piriven at the next level, the maha piriven) do not provide a basic knowledge of other faiths, which, as we saw, was offered to students in pre-colonial times in the Vijayabāhu Piriveṇa. Moreover, the emphasis is on learning content rather than on critical analysis, the comprehension of theory rather than experimentation. 77 Thus, the foundational knowledge that Buddhist monks receive in the mūlika piriven is not necessarily the best basis for an understanding of a multi-cultural Sri Lanka.
In reality, only some monks at mūlika piriven appear for the state administered final examination designed for these piriven. After completing four years at mūlika piriven, many apply on their own to sit for the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) Examination which is seen as an easier option as well as a means whereby one could advance to the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level) Examination and to admission to a university. Akuretiye Amarawansa Thero claimed in 1996 that the prominence given to secular education, especially at the university level has led to a decline in the piriven. 78 The movement to set up vanavasi (forest) and independent piriven has arisen because of the perception that mūlika piriven have failed. The maha piriven, which provide education to Buddhist monks at the next level, do not provide compensations for the deficiencies in the mūlika piriven.  Kamituwa, 1996, p.77. maha piriven suffer from having to fulfill two different objectives. Their primary purpose was to provide an education for monks beyond the first level. However, they are also seen as institutions providing a second opportunity for many lay students who have dropped out of school but wish to be trained for state examinations. 79 Indeed, as stated earlier, because the state grant for each piriveṇa is dependent on student enrollments, each institution has tried to increase its student numbers in competition with privately organized 'tutories' that also coach students for secular state examinations. Thus, many maha piriven seek to provide good instruction in Math and in theoretical elements of subjects such as Physics and Chemistry. English is one of the languages regularly taught in many maha piriven today.
While this curriculum provides opportunities for monks to pursue learning in the sciences and social sciences, and has enabled hundreds of monks to gain admission to Sri Lankan universities, it also conflicts with the need to provide a curriculum catering to the specific needs of monks. The vidyāyatana piriven continue to produce some scholars of note in the field of Buddhist Studies, but even in those institutions, the window into the multicultural world of twentieth century Sri Lanka is limited. 80 To return to the argument that I started out with, I contend that the piriven which arose in the late 19 th century and developed in the 20 th are very different institutions from the educational institutions for monks in the 15 th and 16 th centuries. I argue that Orientalist and nationalist forces as well as colonial self-interest led to cooperation among monks, Buddhist leaders, the state and British officials to implant western style examinations 81 and centralized control, all of 79 The education of laymen was seen as an essential part of the role of piriven before the western system of schooling was introduced in colonial times. Therefore, in a sense, the maha piriven are returning to the role of piriven in pre-colonial times. 80 See the curriculum in these piriven. More than half (3,697 of 6,782 in the year 2017) of teachers in piriven are lay persons. 81 Incidentally, this also represented a further extension of state hegemony over society. As Michel Foucault points out ". . . in all the mechanisms of discipline, the examination is highly ritualized. In it are combined the ceremony of power and the form of the experiment, the deployment of force and the establishment of truth. At the heart of the procedures of discipline, it manifests the subjection of those who are SLJH 42 (1&2) which changed the system of education for monks. Buddhist educational institutions and the qualifications students obtained in them have come to be judged not on their own terms but on the basis of their equivalence to secular institutions and qualifications. This has inhibited the development of an education system specifically designed for the education of Buddhist monks.
However, there is an opportunity to go beyond the teaching of a particular interpretation of the past through archeology and history. The texts currently taught in the piriven lead to a particular Sinhala Buddhist worldview 82 and an emphasis on a united, indeed a unitary Sri Lanka with Buddhism and Buddhists having a special place. Changing this emphasis is a challenging task because as the concept of being a Sinhala (Buddhist) 83 and the linkage of this identity with the concept of Sri Lanka as a single unit is quite old 84 and though it did receive a further impetus during the resistance to colonial rule. Nevertheless a beginning, however imperfect, at constructing a more inclusive history of Sri Lanka has been attempted in the new history textbooks for Grades 6 to 11 in secular schools introduced during the years 2015-2017. For example the history textbook for Grade 10 extols ethnic coexistence in Sri Lanka's precolonial history (pp. 60-61). That text also recognizes that central control of the Sri Lanka did not exist in early times and took perceived as objects and the objectification of those who are subjected. The superimposition of the power relations and knowledge relations assumes in the examination all its visible brilliance." Foucault, Michel. There is information about Christianity in Sri Lanka on pp. 76-77 of the Grade 8 text and pp. 54-56 of the Grade 9 text. Attention is drawn to the nineteenth century Muslim and Hindu revivals in the texts for Grades 9 and 11. Such texts 85 might provide a possible starting point for the revision of the history texts used in the piriven.
While changing the way history is taught in piriven has been a focus in this article, it is important to remember that there are other changes that could promote a more inclusive perspective among novice monks. 86 Training, periodic seminars and refresher courses for the teachers in piriven are essential to realize the benefits of a reformed history curriculum. 87 The current model of the authoritarian classroom is probably not the best way to inculcate respect for the rights of others. The emphasis within piriven on learning content rather than on critical analysis does not provide Buddhist monks with the most effective tools of learning. 88 A reform of piriveṇa education that would provide 85 Of course, the coverage of minority groups in these texts has significant gaps. Buddhist monks with a more relevant base of knowledge (including a basic knowledge of other religious philosophies) would prompt them to consider ethnic, sectarian and cultural diversity as an important part of the national heritage and further assist them to contribute to better relations among the different faith groups in Sri Lanka. 89 Furthermore, as Gordon W. Allport pointed out more than half a century ago, changing what the young learn in school is not likely to be effective unless the culture of the community and its leadership also embrace new, more inclusive norms. As he put it "Suppose a child attends a lesson in intercultural education in the classroom. The chances are this lesson will be smothered by the more embracing norms of his family, gang or neighborhood. To change the child's attitudes, it would be necessary to alter the cultural equilibrium of these, to him, the more important groups. ... By involving the leaders, the policies, the rank and file, new norms are created and when this is accomplished it is found that individual attitudes tend to conform to the new social norm." 90 Violence." pp. 124-125 and Jayawardene, Nanelle, How our Education System Fails to Address Ethno-linguistic Tensions, https://groundviews.org/2019/06/03/how-oureducation-system-fails-to-address-ethno-linguistic-tensions/ 89 The mission of the Piriven Education Branch of the Department of Education is to "creating a body of virtuous and disciplined priests who can support the wellbeing of Theravada monastic society and a body of citizens with the self-actualization of Sri Lankan identity." The vision is "While preserving the classical education tradition of Sri Lanka, to create a congregation of priest and lay citizens full of knowledge, attitudes and skills suitable for the contemporary requirements." http://www.moe.gov.lk/pirivena/English/index.php Accessed on July 19, 2019. 90 See, Allport, Gordon W. The Nature of Prejudice, 25 th Anniversary Edition.
Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1979, p. 40. To ameliorate this process, Mihiri Saritha Warnasuriya has suggested that the study of history in schools should include academic discussions of very recent events. However, continuous teacher training would be needed to increase the likelihood of positive outcomes from such discussions. See, Warnasuriya, Mihiri Saritha. "Examining The Value of Teaching Sensitive Matters In History: The Case of Post-War Sri Lanka." The International Journal of Historical Learning,Teaching and Research,14 (2) Spring/Summer 2017, pp. 93-107. https://www.history.org.uk/secondary/resource/9194/examining-the-value-ofteaching-sensitive-matters Accessed on July 18, 2019.
Repeated post-independence efforts in Sri Lanka to reform piriveṇa education have failed, leaving the monks with limited resources to attempt to deal with a rapidly changing world. In this context, the continued articulation of an inclusive world-view by a number of leading Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka is perhaps a testament to their ability to overcome a limited early training and the overall impact of the emphasis on metta (loving-kindness) towards all in Buddhist scripture. 91 91 See for example the Karaṇīya Metta Sutta.